Bully Pulpit

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Articles

  1. The Decline of the Bully Pulpit
  2. Campaign Tracker
  3. Mike Schneider
  4. Navigation menu

The peak moments were in between the second and third commercial break and included discussions about beating trump, climate crisis, infrastructure and race issues. The peak moments in Night 2 were between the second and third commercial break, during discussions about criminal justice, the racial divide, and environmental issues.

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The Decline of the Bully Pulpit

The households are matched, via a SafeHaven, to person and household level data. For client engagements, this often includes CRM behaviors. Track how much people are searching for Democratic candidates for President based on data from Google Trends. Moments are scored on an index from , with being the most-viewed moment of the debate. Waren, Sanders, Biden, and Harris were the most visible and vocal candidates.

TV viewership data from ties processed viewership events to content metadata identifying the programs and advertising that aired during the viewing and custom metadata which candidate was on-screen during tuneaway moments from data partners. Reach out at media bpimedia. Spend numbers include official campaign spending.

Campaign Tracker

Performances like these are not, in any proper sense, speeches at all, for speeches have structure and direction—they are displays of discipline, not self-gratification. Trump likes the former mode. Its appeal may be limited to his shrinking, and calcifying, hardcore supporters. But Trump appears to prefer it to the painstaking work of developing a draft and sticking to it. A speech draft, to Trump, is like any other form of constraint, something to be resented and resisted.

Or disowned, as he did in that Trump Tower press conference , rehabilitating the white supremacists whom he had denounced sullenly and belatedly a day earlier.

Mike Schneider

His lack of interest in the details of public policy has prevented him from translating his campaign slogans into concrete proposals. His inability to maintain, on any issue, a consistent or even coherent position has undercut his ability to inspire loyalty and respect on Capitol Hill. He made no big speech about the repeal or replacement of the Affordable Care Act, just stray comments and scattered tweets denigrating Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, the Republican Party, and the legislative process.

On foreign policy, he has made no real attempt to articulate a Trump doctrine or a Trump world view. On trade, he has made no comprehensible case for American retrenchment from the global economy, beyond his assertion that other countries are taking advantage of the U. George C.

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This goes too far. Most Presidents, including Bill Clinton, for whom I wrote speeches, concede this.

Obama's bully pulpit continues to evolve

Yet those volumes of Presidential papers suggest, in at least some of their many pages, that oratory can exert, over time, a kind of cumulative effect—expanding, speech by speech, the breadth of possibility. Kennedy understood this. Kennedy spent the remainder of his Presidency convincing them otherwise. He was preparing the American people for the war that he knew they would need to fight, educating them about the threat posed by long-range bombers and by the Nazi regime, which some Americans hoped, at the time, might listen to reason.

Federal Power: Theodore Roosevelt

There can be no reasoning with an incendiary bomb. So did Ronald Reagan, who gave, essentially, the same speech for a quarter century before he won the White House, in Donald Trump, for his part, will keep on talking.

He is, as he intends, dominating the national discussion. But he is not leading it; he is not driving it in any clear direction. His papers—their pages filling up with digressions, obfuscation, invective, and lies—will someday reflect that.