The Mediterranean World of Alfonso II and Peter II of Aragon (1162–1213) (The New Middle Ages)
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Average rating: 0 out of 5 stars, based on 0 reviews Write a review. E Jenkins. Walmart Tell us if something is incorrect. Book Format: Choose an option. Add to Cart. Product Highlights About This Item We aim to show you accurate product information. Manufacturers, suppliers and others provide what you see here, and we have not verified it. When Aragonese forces move against him during the revolt of , Pedro Pomar advises James to flee. The king responds: Don Pedro Pomar, we are the king of Aragon and the kingdom is ours by right, and those who come against us are our subjects and in coming to fight us they do what they ought not to do, since we defend what is right and they do wrong; and so God must help us.
And while we live, we shall not abandon this town and shall defeat them. Thus, on this occasion we will not follow your advice. He must not only defend but also attack the enemies of the faith and expanded the boundaries of Christendom. So it pleased the Lord to assemble the Barcelonan Cort of , which decided on the conquest of Majorca. God made Majorca prosper and by His grace Saracen galleys that attacked Majorca received more harm than they could do.
The king of Majorca refused and James said he had called the Cort together to decide upon the manner in which he should respond and ultimately it was decided that James should go with his army to capture the city and land of Majorca. The recollections of this witness P. Kagay and Theresa Vann, Leiden: , pp. Looking back, throughout that long and difficult task James had been able to move patiently, convinced that God would eventually give him every major Muslim stronghold.
Arroyo, F. This consistency is surely a further reason to suspect that the Llibre was constructed at one time rather than at many times. Before the reconquest of Murcia, at the Cortes of Zaragoza, in December , it was reported to James that it had been revealed by an angel of the Lord to a Navarrese friar that James would save Spain.
When entering reconquered Murcia the king was seized with devotion because of the grace and mercy that God had given him through the prayers of the Virgin Mary. All the good that God had done James came through her prayers. But it pleased the Lord that he would not complete the journey there. He died at Valencia on 27 July. This is to labour the point on celestial involvement almost as much as James did himself and, it could be pointed out, not without reason, that if a medieval Spanish king or, indeed, any crusader, had not believed in divine providence that would be something more to write home about.
Yet there is something very noticeable about James. The fact is that in a work of approximately , words covering a period of over sixty years really the only characters of major influence other than the king himself are God and His mother.
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That requires us to look beyond the social acquisition of religious belief to the personality and personal circumstances of the individual. James was five years and seven months old and in the hands of Simon de Montfort, who had been given him to raise as part of what turned out to be a failed alliance between Aragon and the Albigensian crusaders.
Peter II cared little or nothing at all for his heir. James, though he could have little remembered her, adored her and doted on her memory. This image is pronounced in the Llibre.
Entering her church in Murcia, after the conquest, the king wept long and heartfeltly, unable to leave her altar, knowing that it was through her prayers that he had done what he had done. See Soldevila, Els primers temps de Jaume I, ch. We should also note that James suffered from what we would no doubt now term paranoia. Though the threat to him was exaggerated in his own mind, part of the reason for his fear was that, in his youth, people were out to get him or, at least, to control him.
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When his confessor Arnau de Segarra refused him absolution because of the relationship with Berenguera, he replied that God would forgive him if he conquered Murcia since he had no ill-will towards anybody and that was sufficient for God. But miracles were few. But see Cingolani, Jaume I, forthcoming, where it is argued on the basis of Desclot that Berenguera was with the king on th campaign and therefore accusations of weakness against James were more unjustified still. Even though his thesis was flawed, he had a point.
After all, how could one write of the conquest of Valencia and not mention a single miraculous event? Saints could appear, and James surmised from Muslim accounts that Saint George appeared during the storming of Majorca city.
The only angel who God sent James was really a Saracen who seemed like an angel, so helpful was he to the Christian cause. He knew that God was his creator, that God had wished to fashion Majorca in the sea, and that at her tomb Gesta Comitum Barcinonensium, eds. Barrau and J. Jayme I de Aragon no fue el verdadero autor de la Cronica o Comentarios que corren en su nombre, Valencia: Soldevila Barcelona, , pp. Alan Deyermond London, , pp. On changing attitudes to miracles, see Chenu, M.
God directed the winds for or against him, as He saw fit. He observed the labours of the spider that could weave away and lose all in an instant, and would not raise camp at Borriana until a swallow and her little ones had departed from the nest made on the pole of his tent. Undoubtedly that reflected changing attitudes and the march forward of Greek and Arabic physics, of a Nature guided by laws which God did not tamper with. The king did not really need manifestations of God in Nature and God, therefore, did not tend to waste His time on Nature when His attentions were fully occupied with the king.
As James existed for God, so God existed for James. As James moved remorselessly forward against his worldly foes, God protected him, but most of all protected him from the anxieties inside of him. Related Papers. The Conception of James I and its literary consequences. By Damian Smith. Crusading as a knightly deed. Crusading as a knightly deed: How far do the works of Jean of Joinville and James I of Aragon depict crusading as an integral part of chivalry in the thirteenth century?